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Goals for Safe Water Worldwide Face a Stubborn Data Problem

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More than 100 countries are poised to fall short of their goals to manage their water supplies sustainably by 2030, as set out in the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 6 (SDG6). According to a new report by the World Meteorological Organization, current action needs to quadruple to reach the goal of providing universal access to safe water and hygiene. Further, countries must meet SDG6 while experiencing unprecedented water-related impacts from climate change.

Floods and droughts are among the barriers to safe water for all

So why is safe water proving to be an elusive goal for many countries? Lets start with the fact that since 2000, the world as has seen a significant increase in flood- and drought-related disasters, with every region affected. Flood-related disasters have increased by 134 percent, with Asian countries bearing the brunt. Meanwhile, drought-related disasters have increased by 29 percent, with African countries suffering the harshest impacts.

Between 1970 and 2019, the world saw over 11,000 climate-related disasters, causing economic losses of $3.6 trillion and over two million deaths. Droughts and floods are the deadliest weather-related events after storms. In 2020 alone, the world saw an 18 percent increase in flood-related deaths than the annual average. And between 2000 and 2019, drought affected nearly 1.5 billion people globally.

As countries continue to suffer from droughts and floods, more of them recognize the importance of a focus on securing safe water within their climate goals. In their report, the WMO notes that 79 percent of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) - the efforts laid out by each country to meet Paris Climate Agreement goals - have safe water as an adaptation priority. Further, virtually all SDGs relate to water in some way, even if it is not explicitly stated, since water is a cross-cutting factor of every sector.

Many NDCs include water-related actions in capacity building, forecasting, observing networks and data collection. A majority of countries lack the capacity to provide climate services for water and are often constrained by limited access to financing. These challenges are circular: Underdeveloped capacity and insufficient data increase risk for investors while these countries require funds to overcome these challenges. Some of these concerns are more prevalent in developing countries, but poor water data is an ongoing problem worldwide.

The dearth of reliable data also is a challenge to securing safe water

Inadequate and inconsistent data plague water systems across the spectrum, from utility leakage rates to groundwater levels and beyond. Hence the water sector is often referred to as data-rich, but information-poor. Consistent measuring and capacity for data collection and dissemination makes information sharing challenging. Further, the regulation of water exists at several levels from the hyper-local to national and sometimes super-national; and those regulatory frameworks are often inconsistent, which can lead to conflict.

With competing needs over essential water services, the scenario is ripe for legal, political and even physical conflict. It is a problem seen even in the U.S., as evidenced by the decades-long Tri-State Water Waters in the southeastern U.S. Experts in California have also noted that better data could help with drought management in the state.

Differences in capacity between jurisdictions further hamper effective conservation and regulatory action.

According to the WMO, 40 percent of member countries do not collect data for basic statistics, such as water levels and discharge. Lack of adequate data hampers both the effectiveness of climate solutions and early warning systems.

As a result, the ability to meet safe water targets will continue to be difficult if countries do not have a grasp on basic water data. The report notes that regional needs for data collection and management is a top priority in North and Central America, Africa, Europe and the southwestern Pacific, while it is within the top three priorities for South America and Asia.

In addition to having the best possible data, it is also essential to have effective data management. The development of consistent data collection and measurement across and between states, countries, and regions would help with understanding hydrological patterns and how they are affected by climate change. Results could include an easier path to sharing best practices and lessons learned between similar climates experiencing comparable water-related events. The data inconsistencies will further affect other sectors with which the water sector intersects, including agriculture, infrastructure, public health and energy.

Water data is vital to plan for adaptation and mitigation

While the WMO report notes the actions needed to be taken for countries to meet adaptation goals related to safe water, the sector also has an important role to play in mitigation. Water’s connection to the energy sector is often undercounted. Traditional fossil fuel- and nuclear-powered electricity require considerable amounts of water to generate electricity, as do some forms of renewable energy, including hydropower, geothermal and concentrated solar power. Conversely, the water sector requires significant amounts of energy to treat, move, and distribute water; the same goes for other water technologies such as desalination and water recycling.

The intersection of the water and energy sectors could be an important avenue to addressing climate change. Nevertheless, problems with data plague this intersection as well. The measurement of electricity is more straightforward than that of water, and data overall is better, which makes comparing the two difficult. Further, the two sectors do not speak the same language when it comes to data, creating obstacles to collaboration. Nevertheless, these obstacles are easily overcome with some effort, as seen when the two sectors engage with each other.

Improved data decreases risks to investors, which can enable financing to enter the water sector in more robust levels. It may at first appear to be a simple solution, but the inconsistency of capacity spins the problem round and round.

The bottom line is that the WMO’s report highlights that water stress and extreme events have plagued areas around the world and will continue to do so as climate change risks continue. Leaders recognize the need to improve data collection and management. Better communication across the sector to learn from other utilities, countries, and stakeholders could facilitate not only better data, but better solutions to prevent catastrophic damage from future water-related events.

Image credit: Amritanshu Sikdar via Unsplash

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Global action must quadruple to reach the goal of providing universal access to safe water and hygiene; and good data is among the leading barriers.
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This Social Enterprise Wants to End Period Stigma and Empower Women and Girls

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When Diana Sierra founded Be Girl a decade ago, global period protection wasn't yet a hot topic. In traveling to Uganda, she was surprised to learn that girls lacked effective ways to manage their periods. While working on United Nations-funded projects, local girls would often ask her for jobs, and Sierra saw they had a serious need for income. Connecting the dots, she realized these girls were missing a quarter of the month of their schooling or work when their periods came around because they could not afford hygiene supplies. Global studies have confirmed a similar connection between menstruation and lost wages, the United Nations Population Fund reports

The girls she met used absorbent material, such as torn rags or pieces of mattress, to manage their periods, solutions Sierra said can be uncomfortable and ineffective. As an industrial designer, she was inspired to create something new. Her first PeriodPanty prototype was made out of mosquito netting and umbrella material. She pursued the project after work hours, making alterations and gathering feedback, until one response changed her course. A girl in Tanzania wrote in a survey, “What I like best — it makes me proud to be girl!” The next day, Sierra quit her day job and leaped head-first into her social enterprise. 

Sierra said moments like this showed her that Be Girl is about more than panties, pads and menstrual cups. She sees the products she makes as vehicles for upending harmful narratives about menstruation, increasing body agency, and helping girls and women embrace and love who they are. 

Be Girl - PeriodPanty umbrella prototype
Be Girl founder Diana Sierra making the first PeriodPanty prototype from umbrella material. 

“We need to be transformational going forward”

“It is high time we throw aside the myths and misconceptions and the negativity that, for too long, has surrounded the menstrual life cycle, from menarche to menopause,” Dr. Julitta Onabanjo, the U.N. Population Fund’s regional director in East and Southern Africa, said at the first African Menstrual Health Management Symposium in 2018.

“We need to be transformational going forward,” she added. Be Girl has been quietly transforming its corners of the world through innovative and empathetic designs. Over the past six years, the initiative has distributed more than 250,000 products to women and girls in over 30 countries and provided age-appropriate education to help boys and girls understand the beauty of menstruation. 

Understanding that many around the world have trouble accessing products and services “just because they happen not to be in a viable market,” Sierra said she strives to develop products specifically for the markets she serves, not as “parachute solutions” dropped from the global north into economically developing nations. 

Her creative process was founded on respect for the user, which included gathering regular feedback from girls and taking that feedback seriously, she continued. While girls had absorbent material, they needed something comfortable and leakproof. Sierra's PeriodPanty design can transform any absorbent material into a sanitary pad — communicating to girls that what they were already doing was right, but the PeriodPanty could help them do it better. 

Sierra’s team continues to listen to the girls it serves. When girls said they loved the product but wondered why the panties were black and didn’t come in “girly” colors, Sierra realized her customers saw the underwear as an accessory and not simply a practical necessity. Yet again, she thought out of the box and used colors like bright blue and purple, which still disguise any leaks but look fun while doing it.

Be Girl Period Panty- Break Down Stigma About Menstruation with Fun Products
Be Girl's PeriodPanty can transform any absorbent material into a sanitary pad, and they come in fun colors based on feedback from girls. 

Solving more than half the problem: Teaching boys about menstruation

The Be Girl team does more than sell menstrual products. It also engages girls and boys around the world in conversation. Just like her creative process, Sierra's approach to these conversations evolves with feedback. Initially, the team spoke exclusively with girls. But the prevailing issue girls report about their periods is being bullied by boys. Sierra realized her team was only solving half the problem because they were only talking to half the population. 

“[Boys] are as important and crucial to this matter, and they're being left out in complete ignorance," she said. "We started doing some workshops, but the real click was when we designed the SmartCycle." The SmartCycle is a small mechanical disk that can track a woman's menstrual cycle. On one side of the disk, numbers represent the days of a cycle. The other side has symbols representing the key phases of a cycle — menstruation, ovulation and preparation. As you turn the disk to the proper day, it clicks into place. 

This toy Sierra designed for girls actually became a gateway for boys. While Be Girl representatives talk to girls about menstruation with sanitary pads in their hands, that same solution wouldn't work with boys. "It's very shocking," Sierra explained. "It's very difficult, so you needed to have another entry point, and this little clock, being something mechanical … really caught their attention." 

Boys now go through Be Girl’s classes with a SmartCycle in their hands and are tasked with giving it to a girl or woman who is important to them and teaching her how to use it. Be Girl calls these boys’ workshops "Building Cycles of Empathy." 

Be Girl - in store at Intermoda Maputo Mozambique - break down stigma about menstruation with fun products
A Be Girl display in an Intermoda clothing store in Mozambique. 

How mentorship helped this social enterprise scale

When Kimberly-Clark and its foundation, the company’s Kotex brand, and the Toilet Board Coalition launched the Women in the Sanitation Economy Innovation Lab in 2020, Be Girl was focused on scaling. Sierra joined the six-month program, which looks to cultivate women-led and women’s health-focused businesses within the sanitation economy. Through the program, Kimberly-Clark’s employees offered expertise and guidance to Sierra and four other impact entrepreneurs from Kenya, the U.S. and the U.K who are all focused on addressing some of the world’s most critical sanitation issues.

Be Girl’s team had a chance to speak with advisors they wouldn’t normally encounter, said Tatiana Reyes Jové, chief growth officer for Be Girl. The mentorship experience also helped the small company understand and address challenges to growth. “I currently lead both supply chain and business-to-consumer sales and marketing, so having a trusted expert advisor that I can turn to and problem-solve with has made a world of difference,” she told TriplePundit. Be Girl’s two mentors, specializing in supply chain and sales and marketing, helped the business attain key milestones this year, Jové said, part of which included entering the Kenyan market. 

Be Girl aims to keep getting bigger. ”I really want to make sure that Be Girl is kind of like the Nike of period panties in emerging economies,” Sierra told us.

And what is a world with more Be Girl? The vision Sierra hopes everyone supports in their own way — whether through finance, activism, art or any avenue — is one where individuals progress in their education and careers based on merit, not gender. “In our case, we work in menstrual health, menstrual protection and education,” but everyone can do their part in creating this equitable landscape, she said. 

This article series is sponsored by Kimberly-Clark and produced by the TriplePundit editorial team.

Images courtesy of Be Girl

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Be Girl distributes period panties, pads and menstrual cups in developing countries and seeks to upend harmful narratives about menstruation, increase body agency, and help girls and women love who they are.
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This Chain Is Taking on Portugal’s Carnivorous Food Scene, One Vegan F*cking Burger at a Time

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Portuguese food is often overlooked, though in fairness that was often true of its neighbor, Spain, until José Andrés arrived on the culinary scene in the 1990s. Someone will emerge from this coastal gem onto the U.S. restaurant scene at some point, and soon we'll all be talking about Portugal’s cuisine as if we'd been in the know all along.

In the meantime, the nation home to 10-plus million along with its farmers, dairies, fisheries and food producers more than hold their own, whether we’re talking breads, cheeses, produce, wine — and, of course, seafood and charcuterie. While at a first glance many menus may seem overwhelming to the vegetarian or vegan visitor, change is underway.

And no, we’re not just talking a token vegetarian menu limited to pasta and salads. More restaurants are expanding their meat-free menu selections, and just about any sizable city has vegan eateries that are easy to find. Supermarkets and hypermarkets such as Continente are also rolling out vegan options such as plant-based deli slices and sausages.

Not that this shift was completely organic in nature. Portugal’s government recently mandated that all eateries must include a vegan option. Meanwhile, the number of Portuguese citizens who identify as vegetarian or vegan has skyrocketed over the past several years.

Mother Burger's three locations include an unmissable pop-up near Lisbon's Roma Areeiro station
Mother Burger's three locations include an unmissable pop-up near Lisbon's Roma Areeiro station.

Of course, this niche within Portugal’s evolving food scene just happens to be unfolding as the ongoing burger craze is also slathering itself across the country. Travelers craving such a thing won’t go hungry. For example, the answer to LA’s pastrami burger in cities like Lisbon and Guimarães include patties topped with presunto (dry cured ham) and queijo de Serpa (a sheep milk-based cheese) from the Alentejo, a region in southern Portugal that’s increasingly becoming a popular foodie destination.

Nevertheless, independent restaurants and small chains are resisting, persisting and serving decadent eats without the use of meat, thereby skirting any harmful impact on animals and the environment. One of them is Mother Burger, which currently has three locations in Lisbon with more on the drawing board.

Mother Burger, which launched in 2019, is food porn at its best. Let’s start with the messaging: It’s very in-your-face, and it's guaranteed that your face will become gloriously messy after you hoover up one of its decadent creations. It’s also the Schitt’s Creek of burgers: As was the case with that show’s approach toward love and sexuality, at Mother Burger, there is no explaining, there are no apologies — only really f*cking good burgers, nuggets, cheesy croquettes and milkshakes, all of which are plant-based. Mother Burger simply is what it is — a normal, sloppy, decadent foodie experience. The wrappers make it both stark and clear: These are burgers, and vegan burgers at that, and you will love them — and you will come back, and you will love the experience again. TriplePundit certainly did.

Options at Mother Burger include varying bursts of spice, umami and sweetness revolving around patties that are tofu-based, made with seitan and textured like chicken. If you wish to spend an additional euro, you can also get the “fake meat” option, which is self-explanatory. Flavor profiles include plant-based burgers drizzling with guacamole, fake pub cheese, mushroom confit or caramelized onions, all of which hit the spot whether you are starving, hungover or want to show your mother (or father) that yes, vegan can be both messy and beautiful.

The messaging is stark, so snowflake meat eaters might be skittish about trying Mother Burger
The messaging is both brash and stark, so snowflake meat eaters might be skittish about trying Mother Burger.

The star of the show is Mother Burger’s homemade vegan patty, made with local ingredients that include beets, lentils, black beans, coconut oil, oats and mushrooms. No, it does not bleed like the infamous Impossible Burger, but it’s substantial, flavorful and light-years away from the grubby, crumbly options to which many non-meat eaters had long been relegated.

For those in need of a palate cleansing after the debauchery (some of Mother Burger’s concoctions are a bit much, even if in a good way), at all three locations (as with any restaurant in Portugal), a shop selling gelado (ice cream or gelato) is only a few steps away. Many of those have vegan options as well, including classic flavors of fruit sorbet.

“I thought it would be more of a ‘meh’ place well-known only for being vegan,” wrote one reviewer on Facebook, who was quick to add that her experience was “top.”

Mother Burger will win more fans in the near term, but it can’t sit on its laurels. After all, the number of vegan and vegetarian restaurants in Lisbon alone keep increasing and score highly on any menu creativity index.

Image credits: Leon Kaye

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Food in Portugal can be heavy on the carnivore side, but new chains like Mother Burger are rewriting the rules about local cuisine and vegan options.
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Iraq Takes a Step Toward Ending Its Resource Curse

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It does not take much online sleuthing to sort out why Iraq, among many other nations rich in hydrocarbons, has long struggled with its very own resource curse. The country’s ongoing symptoms include an education system that had once ranked highest in the Arab world but has since collapsed; a youth unemployment rate estimated at 25 percent or even higher depending on the source; and participation of women in the workforce that is among the lowest on the planet.

“While oil wealth allowed Iraq to obtain upper-middle-income status, in many ways its institutions and socioeconomic outcomes resemble those of a low-income, fragile country,” the Brookings Institution concluded in a report a year ago. “Growth is driven by oil production — and related investment — but not productivity.”

An agreement inked last week with Abu Dhabi’s Masdar could help nudge Iraq toward more sustainable and equitable growth.

Masdar, a renewable energy company based in the United Arab Emirates, recently announced it has committed to develop five solar photovoltaic (PV) projects across Iraq. If all goes to plan, together they would provide the nation of 40 million with 1 gigawatt of clean power. Last week’s signing comes a few months after Masdar said it would work with two Iraqi government agencies to fund projects that could add another 1 gigawatt of power to the country’s grid.

Two gigawatts of clean power in a country that derives 97 percent of its energy needs from oil and gas hardly means that a sea change is underway in overcoming this resource curse and transforming how Iraq’s economy performs for all its people. Nevertheless, a 2020 study led by the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) found correlations between investments in renewable energy and a positive shift in employment opportunities for both women and younger workers in nations worldwide.

Most of Iraq’s fledgling renewables sector currently runs on hydropower. But the most recent IRENA profile of the country’s energy sector ranks Iraq has having one of the world’s highest potential for solar power generation.

Masdar’s commitment to building new solar projects in Iraq will add to what is already Masdar’s significant footprint across the globe. While the company has had a hand in deploying clean power in established economies such as the U.S. and U.K., it has also funded projects in regions that often struggle to score investments, as they have their own resource curse: the lack of any in the first place. Such solar and wind power installations are located in Armenia, the Balkans, Indian Ocean, South Pacific and West Africamore than 30 nations in total.

Image credit: samer w via Unsplash

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The resource curse in Iraq has long been a drag on its economy, but new investments in solar could result in job opportunities for Iraqi women and youth.
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With the Right Policies, the U.S. Could Easily Dominate the Global Green Hydrogen Economy

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As renewable energy begins to nudge their product out of the power generation sector, natural gas stakeholders are beginning to lean on the vast global market for hydrogen to sustain their growth. However, a new report from the International Energy Agency indicates that new technology could soon swamp gas-sourced hydrogen in a sea of low-cost, abundant green hydrogen.

Green hydrogen: The devil is in the policy details

Green hydrogen is a significant new development in the renewable energy field. Green hydrogen generally refers to electrolysis systems, in which hydrogen is jolted from water using electricity provided by renewable energy. In terms of mitigating climate change, that is a next-level improvement over the existing hydrogen supply chain that relies mainly on natural gas.

Renewable hydrogen is also being produced from waste, such as biogas, municipal solid waste and industrial waste. However, so far electrolysis has captured much of the investor attention in the sustainable hydrogen field.

That is all well and good, but other investors are also seeking opportunities that sustain the use of natural gas in hydrogen production. Their decarbonization solution is to make carbon capture systems a part of the process, and they are leaning on favorable government policies to offset the additional cost.

Here in the U.S., for example, federal policy supports the gas-to-hydrogen supply chain with the 45Q federal tax credit for carbon sequestration, along with funding for research and development.

That partly explains why President Joe Biden’s infrastructure bill has garnered bipartisan support, including allies of fossil energy stakeholders. The conservative-leaning Business Roundtable, for example, has stamped its seal of approval on the infrastructure bill, contingent on the inclusion of carbon capture measures that support the market for natural gas.

green hydrogen development - global-demand-for-pure-hydrogen
Global demand for pure hydrogen from 1975 to 2018. (Source: IEA — Click to enlarge) 

U.S. policymakers can move hydrogen markets

That emphasis on carbon capture is unfortunate because, as the new IEA report points out, U.S. policy can have a significant impact on the global hydrogen market.

“Owing to its large refining and chemical sectors, the United States is already one of the largest producers and consumers of hydrogen,” the IEA notes. “The United States accounts for 13 percent of global demand: two-thirds is used in refining with most of the rest going into ammonia production.”

“Around 80 percent of U.S. hydrogen production is based on natural gas reforming; practically all the remainder is met with by-product hydrogen in refineries and the petrochemical industry,” the IEA adds.

The report, titled Global Hydrogen Review 2021, is a planning document intended to inform governments on the actual state of the global hydrogen supply chain, in comparison with their climate action goals.

In that context, the report notes that the Q45 tax credit has significantly accelerated carbon capture activity in the U.S. According to the IEA, the U.S. currently accounts for 33 percent of global carbon capture activity, a figure that mainly includes carbon capture at ammonia plants. The agency also notes that a “small number” of carbon capture projects involving hydrogen sourced from natural gas are also in the U.S. pipeline, thanks in part to an assist from the Q45 tax credit.

The U.S. could be left holding the carbon capture bag

That relatively strong carbon capture position in the U.S., though, may leave fossil energy investors in the lurch as green hydrogen activity ramps up.

The IEA report emphasizes that the global green hydrogen market has to grow much faster, and cut costs much lower, in order to compete with hydrogen sourced from natural gas. However, the agency also predicts that green-friendly policies would make all the difference.

In that regard, the U.S. is already staking out a strong position in the green hydrogen field, even without the benefit of new federal legislation.

The IEA cites the Advanced Clean Energy Storage (ACES) project in Utah as an example. ACES is spearheaded by Mitsubishi Power Americas, deploying unique natural storage caverns owned by the company Magnum Development. It involves the conversion of an existing 840-megawatt coal power plant to 100 percent green hydrogen in stages, beginning with a blend of natural gas and green hydrogen.

In addition, the IEA also notes that the sprawling network of existing pipelines in the U.S. provides ample opportunities for transporting green hydrogen.

Some of those pipelines are already dedicated for hydrogen transportation, and that brings Texas to mind. The state has begun to explore the feasibility of harnessing its vast wind and solar resources to establish itself as a leading green hydrogen producer, and its 1,600 miles of dedicated hydrogen pipelines could provide an assist.

Conveying hydrogen in other pipelines poses technology challenges. Retrofitting is one option, and the IEA report names Dominion Energy and Kinder Morgan among the leading firms exploring that area.

A bipartisan push could boost green hydrogen over the top

One factor not addressed in the IEA report is the increased sophistication of corporate sustainability programs. Carbon capture does not address methane emissions and other supply-side impacts of fossil energy extraction, and corporate sustainability planners know it.

This week’s devastating oil spill in California is just the latest in a long string of fossil energy catastrophes to strike the U.S. and elsewhere. Together, these incidents are helping to convince corporate policymakers that they, and their supply chains, need to dissociate from fossil energy extraction as quickly as possible.

In that context, green hydrogen has a powerful edge over natural gas with carbon capture. Corporate pressure could help move the needle toward bipartisan support for green hydrogen, and the red state of Utah could be at the epicenter of that trend.

Mitsubishi’s green hydrogen project garnered the approval of Utah’s former Republican governor, Gary Herbert, when it was first announced in 2019. Since then, the idea of centering a western green hydrogen hub in Utah has caught on, with the potential to leverage a longstanding regional collaboration on energy supply with Arizona, California, Colorado, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, Oregon, Washington and Wyoming.

In one especially interesting development, last summer a Republican congressman, Rep. John Curtis of Utah, helped Democratic Rep. Mark Takano of California re-launch the bipartisan Energy Storage Caucus.

When Takano first launched the Energy Storage Caucus in 2019, the focus was exclusively on battery-type technology. Now, with Curtis on board, the caucus is taking a much broader approach. Its pet project is a proposal to provide up-front tax credits to energy storage projects of all sorts, which apparently includes green hydrogen.

Perhaps not coincidentally, Curtis represents Congressional District 3 in Utah, which includes the city of Delta, home to the coal power plant that is the centerpiece of the ACES project.

Bipartisanship or not, it all comes down to two Democratic U.S. senators

In advance of the U.N.’s Glasgow Climate Change Conference in November, several new developments in the green hydrogen field may help allay the IEA’s concerns over the slow pace of green hydrogen development.

For example, work on the first utility-scale, wind-powered green hydrogen plant in the U.S. got under way in Texas last summer. That project alone is highly significant. As IEA points out, green hydrogen cannot live up to its decarbonization potential unless it grows beyond the chemistry and refining markets. The new plant in Texas is a big step in the right direction because it aims at the transportation market. As a project of the fuel cell company Plug Power, hydrogen from the facility will go to power a fleet of heavy-duty fuel cell trucks.

A growing number of leading fossil energy stakeholders are also applying their knowledge base, supply chains, and R&D resources to green hydrogen. Chevron, for example, is a notorious foot-dragger on climate action, but a branch of the company is on track to partner with Mitsubishi and Magnum Development on the ACES hydrogen project in Utah.

On the other hand, Chevron and other energy stakeholders have been lobbying vigorously against President Joe Biden’s ambitious, climate-centric legislative agenda through their membership in the Business Roundtable.

Somewhat ironically, two Democratic senators, Joe Manchin (W.Va.) and Kyrsten Sinema (Ariz.)  have allied themselves with the Business Roundtable position, along with all 50 Republicans in the Senate. The two Democratic holdouts have the ability to evaporate the slim majority of their caucus and water down, if not outright kill, the legislation their own president supports.

Corporate leaders who profess to care about climate action might want to stop supporting the Business Roundtable and start lobbying Sens. Manchin and Sinema to support their president and their 48 fellow senators in the Democratic caucus. Vice President Kamala Harris has the power to cast the tie-breaking vote, if only Manchin and Sinema choose to allow her to do so.

Image credits: Pixabay and IEA

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Corporate leaders who claim to care about climate action might want to stop supporting organizations like the Business Roundtable and start supporting the Biden legislative agenda, argues our top clean technology reporter.
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Women Smallholder Farmers Are Not Getting Their Fair Share

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The life of a smallholder farmer is by no means easy. Smallholder farmers are seen as a catalyst to overcoming hunger and malnutrition for the billions of individuals worldwide facing food-related vulnerabilities. Yet their exposure to extreme market volatility, climate shocks that could upend their yields, and lack of access to credit, insurance, technology and technical farming assistance makes them among the most vulnerable populations in the world.

And that’s just the smallholder farmers who are men. Women smallholder farmers face unique barriers that mute their recognition and devalue their critical role in feeding the world’s most at-risk.

The most persistent challenges for women farmers are both legal and cultural barriers to land ownership. In developing countries, it’s estimated that just 10 to 20 percent of landowners are women. A report from the World Bank found that 75 of the 187 economies studied had limits on women’s rights to manage assets, including land.

Without title to the land they farm, women lack the collateral needed to secure loans from banks. And without loans from banks, they don't have the financial resources to improve their livelihoods by investing in short-term boosters like fertilizers and drought-resistant seeds, as well as long-term help like farming equipment and agricultural training.

Even in countries where women are legally recognized as able to own land, the law can be loosely implemented and cheapened by social norms and cultural constraints. A coalition of organizations dedicated to improving land rights for women created an advocacy campaign called Stand For Her Land which seeks to close the gap between the law and practice of women’s land rights. Policy and law changes are monumental in leveling the playing field, but they are only as good if they are implemented.

These factors boil down to a cruel reality for women smallholder farmers: Their farms are less bountiful than those of their male neighbors. According to the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization, farms run by women produce 20 to 30 percent less than their male-owned counterparts, creating a sizable “crop gap."

The same report suggests that if women were given the same training and access to resources as men, they could boost their production by 30 percent and feed an additional 150 million people. The business case for investing in women-run farms and land tenure for women is undeniable. Beyond chipping away at the profound levels of worldwide hunger by putting food on the plates of 150 million at-risk people, which alone should be more than enough for policymakers, added production on their farms would equate to more money in the pockets of female farmers. The extra income could then be invested in any number of ways including health care, education, emergency funds or insurance and even back on the very farm they manage.

Along with lower wages and sometimes insurmountable barriers to land ownership, women farmers aren’t relieved of their duties as primary caretakers. Instead, they balance 12-hour days with cooking, cleaning and raising the children in their household.

A 2020 report from Oxfam analyzing the value of women’s unpaid labor worldwide pegged the dollar figure to be at least a whopping $10.8 trillion (with a T!) annually. To put that into perspective, the GDP of every country in the world in 2017 was just a hair under $81 trillion. Unpaid labor gives male farmers yet another leg up on female farmers, who sacrifice hours and hours on a daily basis for domestic work that otherwise wouldn’t get done.

Despite this imbalance, there is reason to be hopeful for the future of women farmers. For one, global development firms, economists, and governments of all sizes have taken notice and are investing in advocacy campaigns to change policies and create a wave of land ownership for women farmers. As the World Bank cleverly puts it, the way to achieving many of the Sustainable Development Goals by the target 2030 deadline is for female farmers to “break the grass ceiling.”

Image credits: Annie Spratt and Nilotpal Kalita via Unsplash

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Women smallholder farmers face unique barriers that mute their recognition and devalue their critical role in feeding the world’s most at-risk.
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Rolls-Royce Unveils Its First EV, Pledges to Go All Electric By 2030

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BMW-owned luxury car maker Rolls-Royce has announced the launch of its first electric vehicle, to be released in 2023. The luxury vehicle, called the Spectre, will only be the first — the company plans to be fully electric by 2030.

Enthusiasts have long awaited an electric vehicle from the company, having been teased as far back as 1900 by co-founder Charles Rolls when he test drove an electric vehicle and told Motor-Car Journal it was “very noiseless and clean … no smell or vibration.” He followed that up by saying the charging technology was “many years” away. The company stated in a press announcement that it would release an electric car “only when the time is right and every element meets [our] technical, aesthetic and performance standards." It seem that time has now come.

The Rolls-Royce announcement follows new vehicle requirements in the U.K. 

In late 2020, the British government announced an end to the sale of all combustion-engine cars starting in 2030. The announcement is part of the U.K.’s decarbonization plan and will take place in two steps, with the 2030 phase-out as the first part. Following that, the next step will require all new cars and vans to be zero-emission at the tailpipe from 2035.

The government also announced more than 1.8 billion pounds (about $2.5 billion) in investment for charging stations and support for additional infrastructure needed to enable the transition to fully electric private vehicles. According to the government’s announcement, the idea is to make charging your car or van “second nature and a part of everyday life, just like charging your mobile phone is today." In order to realize that, part of the funding will go toward grants for homeowners and businesses to enable charging. Great Britain went a step further in July 2021, announcing a plan to decarbonize the entire domestic transportation system by 2050, making it the first country in the world to do so.

Challenges remain in meeting these targets. Currently only 1 percent of households own an electric vehicle, which means tens of millions of cars will need to be replaced. While demand will drive the price down, EVs are still out of reach for many Britons. A recent government announcement that all new-build homes will be equipped with charging points is an important step, but funding allocated for grants for homeowners to upgrade existing homes may not be enough to take care of all the infrastructure needs.

Training the workforce will also present a challenge, but the government is working to build that into the plan. A Green Jobs Taskforce was convened in November, and by July it released a plan ensure 3 million green jobs by 2030, although there is still some concern about the steps needed to make that happen. Demand will continue to increase for skilled labor to build and service electric vehicles, a trend already predicted by experts. Policy support backed up by public investment, which can spur private investment, are the linchpin in such an ambitious target being met.

EV technology is advancing quickly 

Technology has advanced in leaps and bounds since 1900 when Charles Rolls made his pronouncement. But Rolls-Royce — and its parent company — have a reputation for exacting standards in their vehicles. The image of a Rolls-Royce is more more VIP than Average Joe with a willingness to pay a premium price for the luxury and engineering. But the brand has a long history of interest in electric machinery. Sir Henry Royce was one of the world’s first electrical engineers and made several electrical devices in his career. According to the company, Royce’s internal combustion engine was a forerunner of the electric vehicle: “effortless torque, silent running and the sensation of one continuous, powerful gear.”

As more car manufacturers produce electric vehicles, the technology continues to improve. Batteries, fuel cells, and other technologies that both reduce weight and increase efficiency have received significant investment, especially since the Joe Biden administration has made electrical vehicle announcements of its own in the U.S. Though short of the British target, President Biden announced a goal of 50 percent of new vehicles sold in the U.S. to be electric by 2030. While those targets are far apart, the U.K. has about 40 million cars on the road and the U.S. has 287 million. The bottom line is: In terms of cleaning up transportation emissions, the more countries that set and meet clean vehicle standards, the better it is for overall emissions reductions.

Why this matters

To some, the announcement of a high-end luxury electric car may seem not only beyond their reach, but also beyond their interest. Rolls-Royce’s entry into the electric vehicle market, however, is a significant development. Money invested in developing the most state-of-the-art electric vehicle technologies will likely lead to those advancements improving the quality of technology across the board.

Further, it continues the upward trend of demand for electric vehicles, which overall drives down the price of the cars. The Spectre may sound like something from the new James Bond movie, but its entry onto the scene means that more options are available for improving the emissions profile of the electric vehicle market.

Image courtesy of Rolls-Royce

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BMW-owned luxury car maker Rolls-Royce has announced the launch of its first electric vehicle, to be released in 2023. The luxury vehicle, called the Spectre, will only be the first — the company plans to be fully electric by 2030.
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As the Battle Over U.S. Immigration Reform Heats Up, Business Stays Largely Silent

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With real immigration reform on the table for the first time in decades, the fight is heating up from the halls of  Congress to the streets of the largest U.S. cities. The business community, however, has stayed largely silent. 

On background: Immigration reform in the U.S.

U.S. President Joe Biden ran for office as a staunch opponent of Donald Trump's draconian immigration policies, including bans on travelersrestrictions on H-1B visas for highly-skilled workers, and the so-called “zero-tolerance” policy that resulted in thousands of children being separated from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border.  

On his first day in office, President Biden signaled he would make good on his promises and sent an immigration reform bill to Congress that included a path to citizenship for millions of undocumented immigrants. Congressional Democrats introduced the U.S. Citizenship Act of 2021 in February, which was largely based on Biden's plan. Among other things, the legislation offers an eight-year path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants who were brought to the U.S. as children, those who have received Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for humanitarian reasons, and those considered essential workers. But the bill has been languishing in committee for months. 

The next big hope for immigration reform came with the Democrats' proposed $3.5 trillion budget reconciliation package. The reconciliation process allows certain legislation to bypass the filibuster and pass with a simple majority in the Senate, and when Democrats pushed to include immigration in their reconciliation package, many advocates saw it as a once-in-a-generation opportunity for reform. But many of those hopes were dashed last month when a Senate arbiter recommended against including immigration reform in the package, saying it fell outside the scope of reconciliation. Progressive lawmakers and frontline organizers vowed to keep fighting.  

The immigration reform battle heats up

The mounting humanitarian crisis in Haiti has added fuel to the fire. The assassination of the country's democratically elected president, Jovenel Moise, in July and a devastating earthquake in August sent thousands of people fleeing the country in search of safety and a better life. As many as 16,000 of them set up a makeshift camp in Del Rio, Texas, hoping to be granted asylum in the U.S. 

In late September, video surfaced of border patrol agents on horseback aggressively dispersing migrants in Del Rio, using their reins in lassoing and whipping motions toward the men, women and children as they fled. The footage appalled everyone from activists to White House officials, but by the last week of September the Del Rio camp was cleared. Some migrants were admitted into the U.S. temporarily, some were taken into custody, and thousands were deported under Title 42 of the 1944 Public Health and Service Act, an obscure rule Trump previously invoked to deport or deny entry to immigrants and asylum-seekers out of purported concern for stopping the spread of the coronavirus. 

Nearly 1 million people, primarily Haitians and migrants from Central America, have been deported under Title 42 in the last fiscal year, which spans both the Trump and Biden presidencies. 

The treatment of Haitian migrants, compounded by decades of frustration with the state of the U.S. immigration system, set off a wave of protests across the country over the past three weeks. 

Thousands of immigrants and their supporters gathered in Washington, D.C. on Sept. 21 to demand that immigration reform and key climate provisions remain in the proposed reconciliation bill. Two days later, activists gathered for a national day of action to promote immigration reform. Demonstrations continued last week, including one that shut down the Golden Gate Bridge in San Francisco. 

In Washington, the U.S. special envoy to Haiti resigned on Sept. 23., followed by State Department legal adviser Harold Koh this week, both citing the "inhumane" deportation of Haitians under Title 42. The Congressional Black Caucus also met with White House officials about the treatment of Haitian migrants.

But where is the business community? 

On paper, the U.S. business community has historically supported immigration reform. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, for example, which tends to lean conservative, lists "commonsense immigration reform" as one of its policy priorities. Many businesses went a step further in recent years and spoke out publicly against Trump's harsh measures.

More recently, in January more than 180 organizations — including big businesses like Amazon, Target and Google — released a statement in favor of bipartisan immigration reform under Biden. A month later, after a bipartisan pair of senators introduced the latest iteration of the Dream Act, which creates a path to citizenship for some undocumented people brought to the U.S. as children, a coalition of more than 100 companies and trade associations urged Congress to pass it. Even as congressional Democrats worked to pass the more robust U.S. Citizenship Act, many kept the door open for a piecemeal approach to reform, a sentiment that also seemed to resonate with big businesses. 

Since those bipartisan talks fizzled out, however, it has been largely crickets on the issue from the private-sector side. Why is that? Immigration reform is still hugely popular, even among conservative Trump voters, and under this administration there's actually a real shot at getting it done. So, why would business leaders miss the chance to lobby in favor of policies they've claimed to support for years? 

The clear answer: They're already lobbying for something else — or more specifically, against the next potential home for the immigration package: the budget reconciliation bill. 

When Biden's $2 trillion American Jobs Plan was whittled into the $1.2 trillion bipartisan infrastructure package sitting in Congress today, Democrats looked to reconciliation to pass their other priority reforms. Those include many of the climate action priorities that were stripped from the $2 trillion plan, along with immigration reform and key expansions to the social safety net, to be paid for by increased taxes on corporations and wealthy individuals. 

In recent weeks, big businesses have launched what Washington Post reporters called a "massive lobbying blitz" against the reconciliation deal. The U.S. Chamber even backed off the bipartisan infrastructure package, something it had firmly supported, for fear it could lead the reconciliation to pass. “The events of the last few days make it all the more crucial that everyone across the business community does everything in our power to ensure the reconciliation bill does not pass," the Chamber's chief policy officer, Neil Bradley, wrote in a letter to the board on Monday that was obtained by Axios

Those are pretty hefty words considering Democrats may still incorporate immigration reform, despite the Senate arbiter's recommendation, and that reconciliation seems the only way to pass climate legislation that will limit U.S. emissions in line with the Paris Agreement, something else the business community claims to support

For their part, Democrats in Congress seem undeterred, vowing to find a way to pass immigration reform, even if it can't be included in the reconciliation bill. “We’re not going to take no for an answer," Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.) told the New York Times

“People are upset, angry, determined,” added Frank Sharry, the director of the pro-immigrant organization America’s Voice. “We’re optimistic we can get to yes. If that doesn’t happen, then we’ll take it from there.”

Image credits: Colin Lloyd and Todd Trapani via Unsplash 

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With real immigration reform on the table for the first time in decades, the fight is heating up from the halls of  Congress to the streets of the largest U.S. cities. The business community, however, has stayed largely silent. 
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